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Above The Law: The Invasion Of Panama & The World’s Lone Superpower

December 22, 2014 by Matt Peppe Follow @PeppeMatt @PeppeMatt

An armored vehicle stands guard in the rubble of a laundromat, near other destroyed civilian shops.

A U.S. Army M113 armored personnel carrier guards a street near the destroyed Panamanian Defense Force headquarters building during the second day of America’s brutal invasion (Department of Defense/Wikimedia).

Twenty five years ago, before dawn on December 20, 1989, U.S. forces descended on Panama City and unleashed one of the most violent, destructive terror attacks of the century. U.S. soldiers killed more people than were killed on 9/11. They systematically burned apartment buildings and shot people indiscriminately in the streets. Dead bodies were piled on top of each other; many were burned before identification. The aggression was condemned internationally, but the message was clear: the United States military was free to do whatever it wanted, whenever it wanted, and they would not be bound by ethics or laws.

The invasion and ensuing occupation produced gruesome scenes: “People burning to death in the incinerated dwellings, leaping from windows, running in panic through the streets, cut down in cross fire, crushed by tanks, human fragments everywhere,” writes William Blum. [1]

Years later the New York Times interviewed a survivor of the invasion, Sayira Marín, whose “hands still tremble” when she remembers the destruction of her neighborhood.

“I take pills to calm down,” Marín told the paper. “It has gotten worse in recent days. There are nights when I jump out of bed screaming. Sometimes I have dreams of murder. Ugly things.”

In the spring of 1989, a wave of revolutions had swept across the Eastern bloc. In November, the Berlin Wall fell. The Cold War was over. No country was even a fraction as powerful as the United States. Rather than ushering in an era of peace and demilitarization, U.S. military planners intensified their expansion of global hegemony. They were pathological about preventing any rival to their complete military and economic domination.

U.S. government officials needed to put the world on notice. At the same time, President George H.W. Bush’s needed to shed his image as a “wimp.” So they did what any schoolyard bully would: pick out the smallest, weakest target you can find and beat him to a bloody pulp. The victim is irrelevant; the point is the impression you make on the people around you.

Panama was an easy target because the U.S. already had a large military force in 18 bases around the country. Until 1979, the occupied Panama Canal Zone had been sovereign territory of the United States. The Panama Canal was scheduled to be turned over to Panama partially in 1990 and fully in 2000. The U.S. military would be able to crush a hapless opponent and ensure control over a vital strategic asset.

Washington began disseminating propaganda about “human rights abuses” and drug trafficking by President Manuel Noriega. Most of the allegations were true and they had all been willingly supported by the U.S. government while Noriega was a CIA asset receiving more than $100,000 per year. But when Noriega was less than enthusiastic about helping the CIA and their terrorist Contra army wage war against the civilian population in Nicaragua, things changed.

“It’s all quite predictable, as study after study shows,” Noam Chomsky writes. “A brutal tyrant crosses the line from admirable friend to ‘villain’ and ‘scum’ when he commits the crime of independence.”

Some of the worst human rights abuses in the world from the early 1960s to 1980s did originate in Panama – from the U.S. instructors and training manuals at the U.S.’s infamous School of the Americas (nicknamed the School of the Assassins), located in Panama until 1984. It was at the SOA where the U.S. military trained the murderers of the six Jesuit scholars and many other members of dictatorships, death squads and paramilitary forces from all over Latin America.

The documentary “The Panama Deception” demonstrates how the media uncritically adopted U.S. government propaganda, echoing accusations of human rights violations and drug trafficking while ignoring international law and the prohibition against the use of force in the UN Charter. The Academy Award-winning film exposed what the corporate media refused to: the lies and distortions, the hypocrisy, the dead bodies, the survivors’ harrowing tales, and the complete impunity of the U.S. military to suppress the truth.

The propaganda started with the concoction of a pretext for the invasion. The U.S. military had been sending aggressive patrols into the Panama City streets, trying to elicit a response.

“Provocations against the Panamanian people by United States military troops were very frequent in Panama,” said Sabrina Virgo, National Labor Organizer, who was in Panama before the invasion. She said the provocations were intended “to create an international incident … have United States troops just hassle the Panamanian people until an incident resulted. And from that incident the United States could then say they were going into Panama for the protection of American life, which is exactly what happened.” [2]

After a group of Marines on patrol ran a roadblock and were fired on by Panamanian troops, one U.S. soldier was killed. The group, nicknamed the “Hard Chargers,” was known for their provocative actions against Panamanian troops. Four days later, the invasion began. [3]

 

Barefoot civilians leave a burning building as flames roll into the sky. Nearby is a burnt out vehicle and other rubble.

Flames engulf a building following the outbreak of hostilities between the Panamanian Defense Force and U.S. forces during the invasion of Panama. (Department of Defense/Wikimedia)

Targeting civilians and journalists

Elizabeth Montgomery, narrating The Panama Deception, says: “It soon became clear that the objectives were not limited only to military targets. According to witnesses, many of the surrounding residential neighborhoods were deliberately attacked and destroyed.” [4]

Witnesses recounted U.S. soldiers setting residential buildings on fire. Video footage shows the charred remains of rows of housing complexes in El Chorillo, one of the city’s poorest neighborhoods.

“The North Americans began burning down El Chorillo at about 6:30 in the morning. They would throw a small device into a house and it would catch on fire,” recounted an anonymous witness in the film. “They would burn a house, and then move to another and begin the process all over again. They burned from one street to the next. They coordinated the burning through walkie-talkies.” [5]

People were crushed by tanks, captured Panamanians were executed on the street, and bodies were piled together and burned. Survivors were reportedly hired to fill mass graves for $6 per body.

Spanish fotographer Juantxu Rodríguez of El País was shot and killed by an American soldier. Journalist Maruja Torres recounted the incident in the Spanish newspaper the next day.

“’Get back!’ the U.S. soldier yelled from his painted face brandishing his weapon. We identified ourselves as journalists, guests at the Marriot,” she wrote. “’We just want to pick up our things.’ He didn’t pay attention. The hotel, like all of them, had been taken over by U.S. troops. Those young marines were on the verge of hysteria. There was not a single Panamanian around, just defenseless journalists. Juantxu ran out running toward the hotel taking photos, the rest of us took shelter behind the cars. Juantxu didn’t return.”

While the professed aim of the operation was to capture Noriega, there is ample evidence that destroying the Panamanian Defense Forces and terrifying the local population into submission were at least equally important goals.

American officials had been told the precise location of Noriega three hours after the operation began — before the killing in El Chorillo — by a European diplomat. The diplomat told the Los Angeles Times he was “100% certain” of Noriega’s location “but when I called, SouthCom (the U.S. Southern military command) said it had other priorities.”

No one knows the exact number of people who were killed during the invasion of Panama. The best estimates are at least 2,000 to 3,000 Panamanians, but this may be a conservative figure, according to a Central American Human Rights Commission (COEDHUCA) report.

The report stated that “most of these deaths could have been prevented had the US troops taken appropriate measures to ensure the lives of civilians and had obeyed the international legal norms of warfare.”

The CODEHUCA report documented massively “disproportionate use of military force,” “indiscriminate and intentional attacks against civilians” and destruction of poor, densely-populated neighborhoods such as El Chorillo and San Miguelito. This gratuitous, systematic violence could not conceivably be connected to the professed military mission.

When asked at a news conference whether it was worth sending people to die (Americans, of course, not thousands of Panamanians) to capture Noriega, President George H.W. Bush replied: “Every human life is precious. And yet I have to answer, yes, it has been worth it.”

 

‘Flagrant violation of international law’

Several days later, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution condemning the invasion. But the United States — joined by allies Great Britain and France — vetoed it. American and European officials argued the invasion was justified and should be praised for removing Noriega from power. Other countries saw a dangerous precedent.

“The Soviet Union and third world council members argued that the invasion must be condemned because it breaks the ban on the use of force set down in the United Nations Charter,” wrote the New York Times.

After this, on December 29, the General Assembly voted 75 to 20 with 40 abstentions in a resolution calling the intervention in Panama a “flagrant violation of international law and of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States.”

The Organization of American States passed a similar resolution by a margin of 20-1. In explaining the U.S.’s lone vote against the measure, a State Department spokesperson said: “We are disappointed that the OAS missed a historic opportunity to get beyond its traditional narrow concern over ‘nonintervention.’”

In the ensuing occupation, CODEHUCA claimed that “the US has not respected fundamental legal and human rights” in Panama. The violations occurred on a “massive scale” and included “illegal detentions of citizens, unconstitutional property searches, illegal lay-offs of public and private employees, and … tight control of the Panamanian media.”

Despite the international outrage, Bush enjoyed a political boost from the aggression. His poll numbers shot to record highs not seen “since Presidents Kennedy and Dwight D. Eisenhower.” The President had authorized crimes against the peace and war crimes. Rather than being held accountable, he benefitted. So did the Pentagon and defense contractors who desperately needed a new raison d’etre after the fall of Communism.

No longer able to use the fear-mongering Cold War rationales it had for the last 40 years, Washington found a new propaganda tool to justify its aggressive military interventions and occupations. Washington was able to appropriate human rights language to create the contradictory, fictional notion of “humanitarian intervention.”

“Washington was desperate for new ideological weapons to justify — both at home and abroad — its global strategies,” writes James Peck. “A new humanitarian ethos legitimizing massive interventions — including war — emerged in the 1990s only after Washington had been pushing such an approach for some time.” [6]

The stage was set for the even more horrific invasion of Iraq the following summer. Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia, the NATO bombing of Serbia, Iraq (again), and the Bush and Obama interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq (a third time), Pakistan, Libya, Somalia (again), Yemen, Iraq (a fourth time) and Syria would follow.

The invasion of Panama caused unthinkable devastation to the people of Panama. Because of the U.S. military’s obstruction, the full extent of the death and destruction will never be known. The damage done to the legitimacy of international law compounded the devastation exponentially.

Indisputably, the U.S. invasion was aggression against a sovereign nation. Aggressive war was defined in the Nuremberg Trials as the “supreme international crime,” different from other crimes (like genocide or terrorism) in that it contains “the accumulated evil of the whole.” People convicted of waging aggressive war were sentenced to death by hanging.

Twenty five years later, the man who ordered the invasion of Panama, George H.W. Bush, enjoys a luxurious retirement at his Houston and Kennebunkport estates. He is considered by mainstream U.S. pundits to be a foreign policy moderate.

 

Notes

[1] Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and C.I.A. Interventions Since World War II – Updated Through 2003. Common Courage Press, 2008.

[2] The Panama Deception. Dir. Barbara Trent. Empowerment Project, 1992. Film. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j-p4cPoVcIo&list=PLBMiR6FLgz2-BEFx0w_V-jE6hKb9uP3Wh&index=3, (30:54)

[3] Ibid (31:40)

[4] Ibid (34:08)

[5] Ibid (37:06)

[6] Peck, James. Ideal Illusions: How the U.S. Government Co-opted Human Rights. Metropolitan Books, 2011.

 

Crossposted from Just the Facts Blog.

Content posted to MyMPN open blogs is the opinion of the author alone, and should not be attributed to MintPress News.

Filed Under: Foreign Affairs, National News Tagged With: Berlin Wall, blowback, Central American Human Rights Commission, CIA, COEDHUCA, Contra, corporate media, El País, France, George H.W. Bush, history, Human Rights, imperialism, international law, Iran, James Peck, journalism, Juantxu Rodríguez, labor, Los Angeles Times, Manuel Noriega, Maruja Torres, Military-industrial complex, New York Times, Nicaragua, Noam Chomsky, Operation Just Cause, Organization of American States, Panama, Panama Canal, Panama City, Pentagon, propaganda, Russia, Sabrina Virgo, Sayira Marín, School of the Americas, Soviet Union, The Cold War, The Panama Deception, United Kingdom, United Nations, United Nations Security Council, US imperialism, US Invasion of Panama, War, war crimes, William Blum

Comments

  1. Kit O'Connell says

    December 22, 2014 at 7:46 pm

    This is a really upsetting story — I’m old enough to dimly remember this invasion in the news, and my anti-war mother questioning the idea of humanitarian intervention against one of our former allies. But until I read this report I had no idea it was so devastating to the civilian population and so blatantly criminal under international law. That we called it Operation Just Cause makes it all the more disturbing.

    Thanks for sharing, Matt.

    Reply
  2. econdemocracy says

    December 24, 2014 at 9:56 pm

    I remember 1989 well. I watched the Panama Deception when it came out as well. Thanks for this article, for more details, and for informing new generations. Yes, the U.S. backed Noriega and other thugs as bad (or much worse – see the massive Death Squads murder in U.S.-backed El Salvador and Guatemala, including Amnesty International’s detailed report “El Salvador: ‘Death Squads’ – a Government Strategy” meanintg the U.S. backed Salvadoran government murdering students, church leaders, cooperative memebers, human rights workers, professors, farmers etc, all counted as “commies” when they were murdered)

    But when Noriega said no to CIA murder/torture/rape/pillage of Nicaragua, and this is after international independent observers confirmed the fairness of the 1980s Nicaraguan elections – that was the “crime” that got “regime change” on the menu.

    The U.S. media were hysterically cowardly as usual. A great report: “The Media Goes to War: HOW TELEVISION SOLD THE PANAMA INVASION by Mark Cook and Jeff Cohen”
    I read at the time but just now found by google a copy here: http://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/panamainv.html

    As usual the cowardly media treatment painted a picture of a world “biased” against the U.S. when the U.N. or OAS voted, under-covered (vastly) the human death-toll, added the usual “we tries so hard to avoid this” disclaimers when they did mention, created a false and absurd “oh this enemy is so powerful, so dangerous” image of Panama and the usual..

    The most memorable part about media cowardice? They were too afraid to call the invasion, an invasion. Only AFTER the Geroge Bush (1988-1992) administration called it an invasion, only then did it call it what it was. Even after it was completely obvious the U.S. had used massive forward to, well, invade Panama, the media (or most of the ones I read, possibly all of them, I’ll have to re-check) refused to call it an invasion…

    I still have in a box in a closet somewhere the Chicago newspapers headline.

    What would a Stalinist culture of media on bended knee, afraid to offend Power” type of cowardly media, what WOULD they use for the headline?

    The headline was something very close to: “U.S. Forces Gain Wide Control of Panama”

    I sh*t you not. So the headline clearly says, “we know our government invaded Panama, but it might get us called ‘not-patriotic-enough’ if we said so, so let’s find any way to avoid saying it” I wanted to just spit, reading that newspaper headline.

    Like today, those were dark times. Some things have gotten better, other things worse.

    Trying to resist the massive U.S. taxpayer-funded murder in El Salvador, I collected donations from more than 25 states, and organized sending a copy of Amnesty International’s “El Salvador: ‘Death Squads’ – A Government Strategy” to EVERY SENATOR in the United States.

    Can you imagine how innovative it was to do fund-raising over the internet back in 1990? And get signatures and funds raised from across the country?

    On top of that, we got Archbishop Gumbleton and a few other prominent people to co-sign. We sent press releases to media across the U.S.

    I expcted most meainstream media to ignore us despite 1) the extra ordinary HUGE new that our tax dollars were funding a government that was behind the death squads (the media lies were that “Extremists” outside the government’s control ran the death squads, which Amnesty’s 50 or so page report in detail debunked) 2) University of Chicago math graduate students and colleague at Dartmouth (John Lamperti) and signaturies from 25+ states 3) fund-raising over the internet back in 1990 4) Archbishop Gumbleton of Detroit, poet Grace Paley and a few other prominent people co-signed the letter……but I still expected very few mainstream media “takers”…but I was suprised by the result I have to say…namely ZERO media response, nothing, deafening silence, not NPR, nor any PBS station…we sent releases (no google back then, had to use Directories of media etc) to well over 50 national media outlets..nothing)

    That is what truly opened my eyes (“radicalized” is the sensational way to put it) on media. Out of that, I started the Activists Mailing List (AML) in spring 1990 which leds to ACTIV-L in fall 1990 which grew to over 1,000 readers and then the launch of the internet’s first moderated politics/activism UseNet group, “misc.activism.progressive” which I co-founded in March 1991, which grew to a height of 60,000 readers per day according to the official usenet stats kept at the time, but well over 10,000 for enough years that the total number of “views” (20+ articles per day, times 365 days a week, times 10 years+ times 10,000 to 50,000 readers) you do the math (north fo a billion ‘views’)…and the internet had 1/10 as many readers then as today…so I must feel powerful right? No, I wish I had done 100 times more, we all feel powerless sometimes….so hard to change, really change the system…these early internet activism projects reached a lot of people and kept spirits up and helped spread information, resources, facts, and more…but so much more needs to be done..

    Today I’m an old “has been” of internet pioneering days…a “has been” (and sorry about this rant length, yes the “Flashback to the 1989 invasion got me riled up)

    And some day I hope to get back and do something Big or at least Meaningfully impactful again…to younger folks and folks of all ages I say: Don’t Let the Bastard (System and Set of Institutions more than individual ‘bad people’ but call these institutions ‘bastards’) =- “Don’t let the Bastards Get You Down” 😉

    Keep your chin up and work for a saner, more just, democratic and more humane world! We may not live to see it but we can contribute towards that “Arc of history”

    It used to be those two choices: a more humane just peaceful sane world, or horrible suffering and injustice.. in the last half to 3/4 of a century, especially in recent decades though, the choice is a different one: a much more humane peaceful just and sane world and future for humanity – or else, no future at all….heavy and humbling truths for us all to ponder. PEACE and LOVE
    HarelB / EconDemocracy atGmail

    Reply

Trackbacks

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    […] Bin Laden is just one of many of the United States’ allies-turned foreign enemies. The CIA aided Saddam Hussein in his war crimes against Iran before turning on him in the Gulf War. And Manuel Noriega, former president of Panama, was a CIA asset until he objected to U.S. human rights violations in Nicaragua. […]

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  5. Army Vet Faces Felony For Helping Other Veterans Treat PTSD With Cannabis says:
    November 11, 2015 at 8:01 am

    […] Sgt. Ronald T. Marshall, was also severely injured, in what may have been an act of revenge for the invasion of the city in 1989 and its continued occupation by U.S. soldiers. Kiernan and other soldiers had actually […]

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    […] Sgt. Ronald T. Marshall, was also severely injured, in what may have been an act of revenge for the invasion of the city in 1989 and its continued occupation by U.S. soldiers. Kiernan and other soldiers had actually […]

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